Saida Fazal
Former prime minister Nawaz Sharif, disqualified in a corruption case arising out of the Panama Papers revelations obviously believes, like in love and war, everything is fair in fighting corruption cases. If that undermines the democratic project, so be it. He has constantly been attacking the third pillar of the State, the judiciary, for holding him to account for acquiring a UAE Iqama (work permit)—used as conduit for money laundering - and referring related cases against him and his children to a NAB court.
Sharif never expected this to happen to him. He has been running a carefully laid out system of patronages to keep useful people – ambitious bureaucrats, wannabe executives of public enterprises, journalists and judges - on side. All public accountability institutions have been under his thumb. In the present case, when called by the Public Accounts Committee of the National Assembly heads of all them — the NAB, FBR, SECP, SBP, and FIA—had thrown up their hands refusing to do their duty. And of course he did not tolerate any naughtiness. A while ago after NAB made some noises about accountability, he threatened to clip its wings. That though pales into insignificance compared with what in 1997, during his second term in office, the then chief justice Sajjad Ali Shah had to endure for daring to summon him in a contempt case. His men physically attacked the court, forcing the CJ to take refuge in a back room. The matter did not end there. A vengeful man, Sharif managed to manoeuvre the ouster of Justice Shah through an internal rebellion led by Justice Saeed-uz-Zaman Siddiqui. He rewarded those happily playing along so others could be tempted to help in times of need. Years later after his return from exile, he first named retired Justice Siddiqui as his party’s candidate in the 2008 presidential election – just as a token of appreciation since the Nawaz League was not in a winning position—and later appointed him as the governor of Sindh. And relying on his patronages network, he felt free to have his accountability bureau chief, Saifur Rehman, call up Lahore High Court Justice Malik Qayyum hearing an alleged corruption case against Benazir Bhutto and her spouse Asif Ali Zardari telling him to give them the “full doze” –maximum punishment of seven-year imprisonment along with confiscation of their properties. The judge obliged, though, saying considering the other judges did not go for maximum punishment he would hand them five-year jail sentence, and personally apologize to the prime minister for a little dilution of the ‘doze’.
Given that background, it is hardly surprising if he can’t come to terms with the apex court verdict. It does not matter if some other world leaders involved in the Panama Papers revelations have bowed out in deference to public opinion. In a deliberate attempt to create confusion, he has been trying to have us believe the Panama scandal did not emanate from the Germany-based International Consortium of Investigative Journalists; it was a judicial-military conspiracy to rob him of power. He has no qualms about damaging the democracy project if that can help put pressure on the accountability court and prevent it from giving a verdict unfavorable to him and his children. Hence both he and his heir apparent, daughter Maryam Nawaz, and their hangers-on have been badmouthing Supreme Court judges for disqualifying him and referring the related case to a NAB court, also making the outrageous argument that since the people elected him to be their prime minister, holding him to account for any crime amounts to violating the sanctity of the vote. In other words, the laws and legal procedures do not apply to elected leaders. The three-time prime minister surely knows that in any functioning democracy all citizens, elected or otherwise, are equal before law, but thinks he can fool the people. Railing against the judiciary at a recent rally in Jaranwala he repeated the same argument, “you elected me as prime minister, so how can someone else can oust me?”, going to incite his supporters to violence by exhorting them to “themselves take notice” of the judicial verdicts against him. Taking cue from him, his daughter, a spinner of yarn – remember, before the Panama Papers exposed she actually was the beneficial owner of the controversial London flats she had acted innocent claiming “let alone in London, I have no property even in Pakistan; I live in my father’s house” — made several false claims accusing the court of delivering a predetermined verdict in Sharif’s case and favouring its purported “darling” PTI leader Imran Khan, before coming to the point. And the point, of course, was that the courts could not hold an elected prime minister to account, and that the people should “rise and teach a lesson to conspirators [the judiciary and military].” Not the one to be left behind in his eagerness to prove his loyalty to the Sharifs — already appointed minister of state for interior as a reward for his previous fulminations against the apex court - Talal Chaudhry fumed, “throw out these idols [the judges]”. Considering the Nawaz League’s political base’s character, there is no danger of anyone rising to go teach the institutions a lesson. But the vicious attacks on the apex court can undermine public trust in the judiciary. The court may have wisdom in observing restraint in the face of such contemptuous behaviour. But those who want to see democratic institutions get strong and independent are losing patience.
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