For Pakistan, the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin brought reassurance that ties with China remain as solid as ever. The Pakistani prime minister was received with full ceremony, reportedly more elaborate than most other visiting leaders, and the message was clear: the China Pakistan Economic Corridor continues to advance; now expanding into new areas and new participating states. For Islamabad, this is validation that the partnership with Beijing remains the anchor of its foreign policy and its regional economic outlook.
Yet despite this warmth, it was India that seized the international headlines. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first visit to China in seven years, coming just days after punishing 50 percent US tariffs were slapped on Indian exports, gave the summit precisely the push it needed at a critical moment. His bilateral meeting with President Xi Jinping, where both insisted that India and China are development partners rather than rivals, shifted the narrative from one of tension over the border to one of cautious cooperation. The emphasis on resuming direct flights, lifting trade curbs, and expanding economic ties underscored the possibility of stabilisation after years of friction.
For Beijing, the timing could not have been more useful. President Xi framed the entire summit as a challenge to the US-led system of global governance, describing the world as standing at a “new crossroads” and pushing his Global Governance Initiative. With Russian President Vladimir Putin by his side and Modi engaging constructively, the optics were powerful. The three leaders standing shoulder-to-shoulder projected precisely the solidarity that Washington’s tariff-heavy approach was meant to disrupt. It suggested that the Global South, far from splintering under pressure, is finding reason to converge.
The arguments emerging from Tianjin also carried weight. Xi and Putin both stressed “true multilateralism” in contrast to what they called hegemonism and power politics, pointing to the selective use of law and sanctions in the Western system. Putin emphasised the rising use of national currencies in regional trade, holding it up as evidence of an emerging Eurasian stability architecture. Xi went further, proposing a new SCO development bank, promising two billion yuan in aid and 10 billion yuan in loans, and announcing a cooperative artificial intelligence centre for member states. Whatever the eventual delivery on these initiatives, the intent was clear: the SCO as a platform for alternatives to Western-dominated institutions.
For many countries of the Global South, the appeal lies precisely here. US policy has been increasingly defined by divisive tariffs and blunt sanctions. In contrast, China and Russia are presenting themselves as champions of inclusivity, with multilateral platforms where non-Western voices matter. That does not erase differences within the bloc — India’s trade deficit with China remains close to USD 100 billion, and suspicions about border stability and Chinese projects in Tibet persist — but it shows why states facing economic pressure from Washington would be open to what the SCO promises.
For Pakistan, the lessons are both encouraging and sobering. CPEC remains central, and Beijing’s willingness to keep investing in connectivity and infrastructure offers tangible benefits. At the same time, the summit showed how quickly India can reposition itself as a key interlocutor in global forums, even as disputes remain unresolved. The symbolism of Modi standing alongside Xi and Putin captured more attention internationally than any single bilateral at Tianjin. It was a reminder that multilateral optics, as much as bilateral progress, shape perceptions of influence.
What the Tianjin summit ultimately underscored is that the global system is not locked into one model. The West, and particularly the United States, continues to project power in ways that many outside its orbit now see as destabilising rather than unifying. China and Russia are making the case that an alternative order is possible, rooted in development, respect for sovereignty, and broader participation. Whether that system avoids replicating the inequities of the old one is a question needing an answer. But the very fact that states are willing to listen and engage shows that the demand for such a narrative is strong.
Looking ahead, Islamabad’s task will be to ensure that the momentum from Tianjin translates into tangible economic and strategic dividends. The SCO’s tilt towards inclusive multilateralism and China’s continued commitment to CPEC provide Pakistan with both opportunity and responsibility. To benefit fully, the government will need to strengthen its own capacity for implementation, align domestic priorities with regional initiatives, and safeguard against the risk of overdependence. The summit underscored that Pakistan’s partnership with China remains indispensable, but it also highlighted that multilateral platforms like the SCO can amplify that partnership in ways that reach well beyond bilateral ties.
